The center-left triumphs in the political elections: the PS is reconfirmed as the first party, the LSI is leaping giant and the PD suffers a heavy defeat.
The center-left coalition triumphed in the general elections of the 23 last June: 84 sent against the 56 of the outgoing government's center-right coalition. The Socialist Party led by Edi Rama won the primacy as the main political force obtaining 66, while the Socialist Integration Movement (LSI) grabbed 16 mandates. The other two mandates went to the smaller coalition parties: one to the Union for Human Rights (PDBNJ) of the minorities of Vangjel Dule and the other to the Christian Democratic Party (PKDSH), a center-right formation, but allied with the socialists in this election.
In fact, for the PS this is a mandate more than the 2009 elections and its slogan "Rebirth", thanks also to the electoral system in force, is better suited to the Ilir Meta LSI, which 4 mandates the 2009 to increase its loot. The LSI marked the greatest progression even in absolute values, namely 105 thousand more votes than the 70 thousand of the 2009. Instead the PS got 91 thousand more votes and the Democratic Party of Sali Berisha suffered a heavy defeat with a decrease of 85 thousand votes compared to the 2009, that is the 9.4% less. Taking into account that except for the PD, all the main parties of the outgoing government coalition have marked a growth (LSI, but also the PR or PDIU), and that the turnout at the polls has grown by 3% compared to 2009, it seems that the vote of the Albanians was a "NO" referendum against Berisha.
Many were surprised by the success of Meta's LSI that ruled together with Berisha until last April. It seems that Meta has taken all the credit of the last four years of government as opposed to its former ally who came out of it. This, in addition to the absolute protagonism and authoritarianism of Berisha, could also derive from the fact that his party has always decided on national policies including strategic investments and the distribution of resources. Instead, the LSI of Meta has simply ratified them, without taking on its shoulders any responsibility for the great policies of the country. On the other hand, the LSI has directed some of the Ministries of weight during the last legislature, accumulating immense political capital thanks to the political favors granted to its militants.
By now it is undoubted that Meta is considered the middle ground between Berisha and Rama, the needle of the balance between the two great political forces, that is an element of restraint for their limitless ambitions, an observation that has surely translated into a further flurry of votes from the undecided and beyond. However, we are not talking about Norway: we must also take into account a gray area, ie the appropriate public funds from your party and used as a means to enlarge your electorate. To understand this, just go around Tirana and ask the voters of the LSI the motive for their vote.
Some of them confessed to me that the LSI has subsidized it, paying him all the taxes of a private University for three years, obviously in black and not through legally established procedures. This and the assumptions in the central and local public administration that takes place "formally" in Albania through public competitions could all in all be sufficient elements to explain the growth of a party that governs but does not take account of its actions, given that no one asks it .
For his part, after 8 years of government and 23 years at the head of the PD, Berisha has resigned from all party functions, but will remain in office until the election of the new leader. Moreover, it will govern until the formation of the new parliament and government in September, as foreseen by the constitution.
Among the eligible candidates as new leaders of the Democratic Party is Lulzim Basha, mayor of Tirana, ex-fellow university student and ex-colleague in the international administration in Kosovo of Berisha's daughter, perhaps one of the fundamental reasons for his rise to power from the 2005 to date, making an incredible leap to the top: from a mere member of the PD to minister of infrastructure, of foreigners, then of the interior and finally to Primo Cittadino of Tirana.
Now that Berisha "is not there" we must be careful not to allow Rama to present the same semi-dictatorial orientations as his predecessor, always keeping an eye on Meta, which risks becoming a sort of Tayllerand, the minister present in every government French both at the time of the Monarchy and during the Napoleonic Republic. As Fatos Lubonja argues, the Albanian vote has condemned the dictatorial and authoritarian tendencies, but not the corruption system, a corporate model in today's Albania. For the latter it would need a democratic revolution at the polls that hopefully Albania will be ready to welcome it in the next political elections. Until then, it is necessary to point to the notebook, which - perhaps - from the 1992, those of the 2013 were the most democratic and free elections in Albania, and if the new parliament also puts dialogue and inter-party collaboration into this progress, the status of candidate country granted by the European Council will only be a formality.