While in the world someone wants to occupy Wall Street, and in other parts they protest bitterly against the government, in Albania "the indignados" are not the citizens who criticize the rulers, but some PS representatives who open a front within the same party.
In fact, lately a modest group of deputies, and not only, of the Albanian Socialist Party has rebelled against the leader of the left Edi Rama and has undertaken a so-called Movement for Different Thinking. Through this rebellion a public debate took place, with the participation of all the disappointed by the policies that the leader of the opposition follows from the 2005, when he occupied the vacancy left by the ex-Premier Fatos Nano, following the electoral defeat of the latter. The "insurgents" were considered as heretics and treated as such by the former "mayor" of the capital, who directed Tirana for a good eleven years, not counting his two incandescent years at the head of the Ministry of Culture in the Nano government, who was the (involuntary) ferryman and the springboard of his political career. In the ranks of the anti-ramistas one can note the presence of prominent figures, including the former foreign minister and former head of parliament Kastriot Islami, the former prime minister Ylli Bufi, the former finance and law minister. 'economy Arben Malaj, former President of the Republic Rexhep Mejdani, and other representatives of the people under the Socialist Party symbol in parliament, such as Andis Harasani for example, former director of the Albanian Electric Energy Corporation. So you are not facing any politicians. So far, their movement has focused on public criticism of Rama, but threats have not been lacking about the possibility of creating a new socialist party, which some of them have defined as a legitimate act of self-defense. "The socialist indignados" protest the fact that the leader of their party has removed them from important positions within the party structures in order to ignore them completely, and discharging on them a large part of the responsibility for the electoral defeats of the Socialist Party in 2009 nationally, and in May 2011 locally. Another luxury critic of Edi Rama is also Ben Blushi, ex-head of the parliamentary group of the Socialist party, who although he is not affiliated with the rest of the rebels, has nonetheless held a strongly critical position towards Rama's policies, and they are in many those who see him as a future socialist leader.
Although the Berisha government failed to achieve European standards to give the country the status of the candidate to become a member of the European Union, and despite strong accusations by the opposition about alleged electoral manipulations carried out on the direct order of the Premier , the internal unity of the Democratic Party, and the alliance with the other majority parties has never been questioned, not even in the dark moments, as in the last tragic case of the killing of the four civil Protestants on the Boulevard of Tirana for hand of government forces. Not even the recent and repeated conflict with the Head of State Bamir Topi (ex-undersecretary of the Party of Berisha) was able to make the foundations of the governmental coalition tremble, created after the 2009 elections thanks to a hybrid alliance between the right and the left, under the initials of the PD and the LSI, the party of Ilir Meta, the former Minister of Albanian Economy, under investigation for corruption, and which recently appeared also in a telephone interception with the well-known Berlusconian business character, Lavitola. The Democratic Party of Berisha is such only in name according to many, as regards the internal democracy of party and government structures. It is undeniable, however, that the authoritarianism of the undisputed leader of the democrats keeps the flock together.
The reasons for the split of the opposition are varied. First of all, as far as the socialists are concerned, Edi Rama showed little flexibility both with the men of his party as well as with the allies. Unlike Berisha, when he removes from the charges important personalities of the PS, he does not entrust to them other tasks, but on the contrary punishes them totally isolating them from the rest of his colleagues, which in reality risks becoming a boomerang, since he can have electoral repercussions negative, since they are politicians who have broad support in the ranks of militants thanks to their experience. The lack of tolerance towards allies is another symptom that can explain the disintegration of the left. Rama in the 2009 refused to go to the coalition elections with the second party of the left, the LSI, sparking the revenge of Ilir Meta, who replied in kind by joining Berisha, allowing the latter to secure his second term after he traced it back to power in the 2005, when I split Nano's PS for the first time in two. Rama justified the non-alliance with the moralistic element, accusing the Party of Meta as an organ in search of seats to be divided, but did not explain then, because after the defeat he agreed to let parties like the PDK join the opposition camp before the 2009 they had shared important institutions with Berisha, such as the Ministry of Health, earning the most severe criticism of Rama himself regarding corruption in the specific sector.
On the other hand, in the last local elections, Rama lost Tirana for only 93 votes, albeit in a very questionable way. Many criticized the socialist leader for the fact that in his alliance there was the Reformed Labor Party, which took an insignificant number of votes, and not the Communist Party, which took about 1400 votes, thanks to which Rama could easily guarantee another victory. Since they are two left-wing parties, Rama never explained why the Communist Party was a candidate for itself, in no coalition, thus removing vital votes from the socialists. With these moves, Edi Rama has shown that in addition to not knowing how to expand the existing alliances of the Socialist Party, on the contrary it has also lost heavy members who were part of the opposition, replacing them with small party votes. In the last elections, the local elections of the 2011, according to data from the Central Electoral Commission, the government coalition obtained about 140.000 more votes than the opposition. Thus being the cards, the least desirable thing for the left is a further split. Someone hopes that the future right-wing party that is rumored could set up the current President of the Republic (Berisha's public enemy number one by now), may have in the 2013 parliamentary elections the effect he had in the 2005 on the left the LSI of Ilir Meta, who interrupted the eight-year rule of the Socialist Party of Fatos Nano, the reason why it was founded. For the opposition, a strategy based on the hope that sooner or later the government will fall can only arouse concerns, given that it is unlikely that a new party can fill a difference of 140 thousand votes in a small country like Albania. This is one of the main criticisms made by the socialist rebels towards Rama, and which the opposition leader could consider before it is too late. If Berisha uses his reputation for stiffness to keep the government going, the opposition should use his alleged self-proclaimed tolerance and benevolence towards loved ones and not in comparison to political rivals, which he has specialized in now. Even if from an opposite and ironic point of view, the true liberal would seem Berisha who knows how to please everyone, and the iron man Rama, who does not make a turn in front of his mistakes. There is only one point that unites them both: the desire for omnipotence, to see the latest constitutional reform of wide consent of the parties ("strangely" one of the rare occasions) to believe, given that it has transformed the President of the Republic into a puppet of the party in power as from now on it can be elected with a simple majority.
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